Center for the Study of the Pacific Northwest

VI. Sources

1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8
9	10	11a	11b	11c	11d	12	13
14	15	16	17	18	19	20	21
22	23	24	25	26	27	28

The source of each document is provided below. Brief explanations of the documents and suggestions for possible discussion questions accompany the citations.

Document 1: The Strange Tale of Apostolos Valerianos (a.k.a. Juan de Fuca)

Samuel Purchas, Hakluyt Posthomous, or Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. 14 (New York: Macmillan, 1906), p. 415-18.

Apostolos Valerianos was a Greek sailor who was called Juan de Fuca by his Spanish companions. This document recounts Valerianos’s story of his voyage across the top of North America in 1592. He claimed to be part of an expedition that sailed from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean at a latitude of about 48 degrees north. This story, among others, led Europeans to pursue dreams of finding a "Northwest Passage" in the Pacific Northwest.

Possible discussion questions: How did Valerianos describe the land and people he saw on his voyage? How convincing is his description of his expedition? Why did the author believe Valerianos? On a modern map of the Northwest, find 48 degrees north latitude. What body of water did Valerianos probably find on his voyage?

Document 2: One of the First Maps of the Pacific Northwest

Cornelis de Jode, "Quivarae Regnu cum alijs versus Borea," from Speculum Orbis Terrae (Antwerp, 1593), Special Collections, University of Washington Libraries.

The lack of any real geographic knowledge did not stop mapmaker Cornelis de Jode from producing a supposedly detailed map of the west coast of North America. De Jode simply mapped what he thought should be there. "El Streto de Anian" is the Northwest Passage, and "Quiuira" is one of the legendary cities of gold sought by Spanish explorer Francisco Vasquez de Coronado.

Document 3: Map of North America with the Pacific Northwest Blank

Detail from Eman Bowen, A New and Accurate Map of America: Drawn from the Most Approved and Modern Maps and Charts, and Adjusted by Astronomical Observations; Exhibiting the Course of the Trade Winds Both in the Atlantic & Pacific Oceans (London, no date [ca. 1730]), Special Collections, University of Washington Libraries.

This map is typical of many maps produced in the early 18th century. The Pacific Northwest is a blank, labeled as "Parts Undiscovered." Nonetheless, the cartographer penciled in information on the legend of the Northwest Passage, the "Supposed Strait of Annian." Europeans were intrigued by the blank spaces on maps like this, and that curiosity fueled expeditions of discovery to fill in the gaps. Europeans also wished to claim the blank spaces on the maps for their home nations. This map labels part of the Northwest as "New Albion," thus designating it as English-controlled territory.

Possible discussion questions: How would you characterize Europeans’ geographical knowledge of the Pacific Northwest in the early 18th century? How does this map differ from the 1593 map (document 2)? Do the two maps share any common elements? Why might maps like these have encouraged Europeans to explore the Pacific Northwest?

Document 4: First Contacts, by Father Tomas de la Peña, 1774

"Journal of Fray Tomas de la Peña" in The California Coast: A Bilingual Edition of Documents from the Sutro Collection, edited and translated by Donald C. Cutter and George Griffin Butler (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), p. 121-23, 157-61.

This document consists of excerpts from Father Tomas de la Peña’s journal. Peña was a member of the 1774 Perez Expedition, sent to take possession of the Northwest Coast for the Spanish. These excerpts describe the first documented contact between the Indian people of the Northwest and Europeans. On July 20 the Spanish met the Haida, and on August 8 they met another group of Indian people who were probably the Nuu-chah-nulth.

You might want to compare the accounts of Tomas de la Peña and Juan Crespi. Although these two men sailed on the same expedition, they described events differently. Their varying viewpoints illustrate how the same historical events can be interpreted in different ways

Document 5: First Contacts, by Father Juan Crespi, 1774

"Journal of Fray Juan Crespi" in The California Coast: A Bilingual Edition of Documents from the Sutro Collection, edited and translated by Donald C. Cutter and George Griffin Butler (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), pp. 225-41, 255-59.

Like Thomas de la Peña, Juan Crespi was a priest who accompanied the Perez Expedition in 1774. This document consists of excerpts from Crespi’s diaries from July 20, when the expedition met the Haida, and from August 8, when they met the Nuu-chah-nulth. Although Crespi’s journal is similar to de la Peña’s in many ways, the two accounts do reveal some differences. The priests’ differing personal interests shaped what they chose to write about. In addition, they occasionally interpreted the same event in different ways.

Possible discussion questions: In what ways are the two priests’ accounts similar? What did they think of the Haida and the Nuu-chah-nulth? Did they respect these people even though they were "pagans"? How do the two journals differ? How might you explain these differences?

Document 6: John Ledyard’s Impressions of the Northwest Coast, 1778

John Ledyard, A Journal of Captain Cook’s Last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, and in Quest of a North-West Passage, between Asia & America; Performed in the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, and 1789 (Hartford, Conn.: Printed and sold by Nathaniel Patten, a few rods north of the court-house, 1783), p. 70-73.

American John Ledyard was a member of Englishman Captain Cook’s third voyage to the Pacific Ocean. In his journal he expressed his feelings at being once again on his home continent. He also described an encounter with the Nuu-chah-nulth people who lived near Nootka Sound. During this encounter Ledyard, and not the Indians, tasted a human arm. The issue of cannibalism was very much at the front of European travelers’ minds. They routinely questioned the people they visited to determine whether or not these people were cannibals. As this example illustrates, much confusion could arise regarding who, in fact, was actually a cannibal.

Possible discussion questions: What were the Nuu-chah-nulth people’s attitudes about private property and trade? What did Ledyard think about the Nuu-chah-nulth? From the evidence presented here, can we conclude that the Nuu-chah-nulth were cannibals? Why or why not?

Document 7: Oral History of the First Ship Seen by the Clatsop

Franz Boas, Chinook Texts, U.S. Bureau of Ethnology Bulletin No. 20 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1894), p. 275-78.

Ethnographer Franz Boas recorded several tales told by Charles Cultee during the early 1890s. Cultee was one of the last native speakers of the Clatsop and Chinook languages. The first part of this document is Boas’s translation of Cultee’s story into English. This is followed by the Chinook language version of Cultee’s tale, with a translation of each individual Chinook word. This story describes the way the Clatsop people reacted to the first European ship they had ever seen. Cultee claimed his great-grandfather had witnessed this event over one hundred years earlier. Although oral traditions are not an entirely reliable form of historical evidence, they do offer a fascinating window into Indians’ responses to contact with Europeans. Notice the way in which European trade goods were used to promote the status of the Clatsop among their neighbors.

Possible discussion questions: According to this story, how did the Clatsops respond to the first European ship they saw? In your opinion, was the Clatsop response logical and justified? How reliable is this story as a form of historical evidence? Do you think it is more or less reliable than Ledyard’s journal (document 6)? Why? Why might historians think that oral traditions are important documents even though they may not be accurate in every detail?

Document 8: Clatsop Potlatch

Franz Boas, Chinook Texts, U.S. Bureau of Ethnology Bulletin No. 20 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1894), p. 266-69.

This story describes a potlatch, a ceremony during which the host family gives away material goods to the guests. The more a host family could give away, the higher its social standing. The potlatch ceremony was common among the Indian peoples of the Northwest Coast.

Possible discussion questions: What is a potlatch? What social functions might a potlatch have served?

Document 9: Dividing a Beached Whale

Franz Boas, Chinook Texts, U.S. Bureau of Ethnology Bulletin No. 20 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1894), p. 259-63.

This document describes how the Indian peoples that lived near Willapa Bay divided beached whales. The story provides glimpses of the Clatsops’ religious and social values. It also sheds a great deal of light on Clatsop ideas about property and resource use. A beached whale was not "owned" by the group that found it first, but rather by the group in whose territory it landed. The whale was divided among members of the group, but it was not divided equally. This story is a sort of microcosm of Northwest Coast Indian patterns of resource use. Indians had divided up the Pacific Northwest into a complex network of hunting, fishing, and resource rights. However, these rights were generally held by groups or families, rather than by individuals. In addition, the boundaries between different groups’ rights were flexible and could often overlap.

Possible discussion questions: How did Indian people divide up a beached whale? What might this tell us about Northwest Coast Indians’ values and ideas? Is it fair to say that Northwest Coast Indians had no concept of property and ownership; what evidence from the story can you find to justify your position?

Document 10: Raven and Gull Myth

Franz Boas, Chinook Texts, U.S. Bureau of Ethnology Bulletin No. 20 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1894), p. 88-91.

This is an example of the oral literature of the Northwest Coast people. In this story, Raven and Gull take on human qualities as they vie for control of the beach.

Possible discussion questions: Are Raven and Gull people or animals in this story? What might this myth tell us about how Northwest Coast Indians thought about animals and the natural world? How might they have thought about these topics differently than Europeans did?

Document 11: Engravings of Nootka Sound Indians, 1778

11a: A Man of Nootka Sound
11b: A Woman of Nootka Sound
11c: A View of the Habitations in Nootka Sound
11d: The Inside of a House in Nootka Sound

James Cook, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean: Undertaken by the Command of His Majesty, for Making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere; Performed under the Direction of Captains Cook, Clerke, and Gore, in His Majesty’s Ships the Resolution and the Discovery in the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, and 1780; Published by Order of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty (London: G. Nicol and T. Cadell, 1785), plates 38, 39, 41, 42.

John Webber, a skilled artist who accompanied Captain Cook on his third voyage to the Pacific Ocean, made these engravings in 1778. Artists were an integral part of Cook’s efforts to extend Europeans’ knowledge by compiling an extensive documentary record. Cook’s expeditions included cartographers to make maps, scientists to collect plants and animals, and artists to make engravings and drawings.

Document 12: A 1788 Map of North America

Reginald Hardy, A General Map of North America from the Best Authorities (London, 1788[?]), University of Washington Libraries, Special Collections.

This map depicts Europeans’ state of knowledge about the Northwest after Cook’s voyages. Europeans had explored neither Puget Sound nor the Columbia River. European nations still harbored hopes of finding the Northwest Passage hidden among the uncharted interior waterways. In addition, Europeans thought Vancouver Island was part of the mainland. Nootka Sound seemed to be the only safe, deep-water harbor between San Francisco Bay and Alaska. This explains why both the English and Spanish were so anxious to claim Nootka Sound. Today, Nootka Sound is very remote from the centers of commerce in the modern Northwest. In the late 1780s and early 1790s, however, Nootka Sound was the center of the known Northwest.

Possible discussion questions: How does this map differ from the 1730 map (document 3)? How had Europeans increased their geographic knowledge? Compare this map to a modern map of the Northwest. What geographic features were yet to be found by Europeans in 1788? Would you say that this map is mostly accurate or mostly misleading?

Document 13: John Meares Describes Trade in the Northwest, 1788

John Meares, Voyages Made in the Years 1788 and 1789, from China to the North West Coast of America: To which Are Prefixed . . . Observations on the Probable Existence of a North West Passage; and Some Account of the Trade Between the North West Coast of America and China; and the Latter Country and Great Britain (London: Logographic Press, 1790), p. 114-23.

This document offers a good example of how the fur trade was conducted in this period. Notice the personal interactions and ceremonies that take place among the various parties. This type of trade was quite different from going to a store or even bartering in a market.

In addition, this excerpt describes Meares’s purchase of land from Chief Maquinna, and the construction of buildings on that land. This became an important basis for British claims to Nootka Sound. The Spanish later denied that any land transactions had taken place; they claimed that Meares had misunderstood Maquinna. (Maquinna later called Meares a liar, stating that Meares had not bought any land.) The Spanish also claimed they had exclusive rights to Nootka Sound based upon their landings there in 1774 and 1775.

Please note that in this document, "Maquilla" is Chief Maquinna. In addition, some 18th century publishers used two types of s in printing—a medial s, frequently used in the middle of words, and a round s, similar to the one that we use today. The medial s looks nearly identical to the letter f. Thus, the word poffeffed actually means possessed. Although students may find reading this style of printing difficult at first, they should get used to it fairly quickly.

The original owner of this book, James G. Swan, wrote the notes in the margins. Swan was a writer and anthropologist who lived in Washington State from 1850 to 1900. During the 1860s he worked as a schoolteacher on the Makah Indian Reservation, becoming the first white person to live among the Makah.

Possible discussion questions: How would you characterize the relations between Meares’s crew and the Nuu-chah-nulth? Were fur trade negotiations conducted more in accord with British values or with Nuu-chah-nulth customs? Why were these groups so anxious to trade with one another—what benefits did each side derive from trade?

Document 14: Maquinna and Callicum Clasp Hands

T. Stothard, a London-based artist, made this engraving in 1790. While Stothard did not travel with Meares, he based his engraving on drawings made by artists who did accompany the expedition. Meares describes Maquinna and Callicum in his writings (document 13).

Document 15: Spanish Fort on Nootka Sound

George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, and Round the World; in which the Coast of North-West America Has Been Carefully Examined and Accurately Surveyed: Undertaken by His Majesty's Command, Principally with a View to Ascertain the Existence of Any Navigable Communication between the North Pacific and North Atlantic Oceans; Performed in the Years 1790, 1791, 1792, 1793, and 1795, vol. 1 (London: Printed for G. G. and J. Robinson et al., 1798), plate 7.

London artist W. Alexander made this engraving based on drawings that Henry Humpreys sketched while accompanying George Vancouver’s expedition in 1791. There are Nuu-chah-nulth canoes in the foreground and a Spanish fort in the background. The fort is surrounded by a wooden palisade and contains a large cross. The Spanish built this complex, Fort San Miguel, in 1789. They surrendered it to the English as part of the Nootka Convention in 1794.

Document 16: Bodega y Quadra Describes the Nuu-chah-nulth, 1792

Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, Voyage to the North West Coast of North America, translated by Katrina H. Moore [?] (unpublished typescript translation of original documents, ca. 1974), Special Collections, University of Washington Libraries, p. 43-48.

Sent by the Spanish government to the Northwest in 1792 to continue exploration and to implement the settlement of the Nootka Sound controversy, Bodega y Quadra became a great favorite among Indians and Europeans alike. In this description of his surroundings at Nootka Sound, Bodega y Quadra’s positive outlook and generous ways become evident.

Possible discussion questions: How well did Bodega y Quadra get along with Nuu-chah-nulth chiefs? What did he think of the Nuu-chah-nulth in general? How did his views differ from those of his countrymen, Juan Crespi and Thomas de la Peña (document 4 and document 5)? What could account for these differences? Why do you think Bodega y Quadra was popular among both Indians and Europeans along the Northwest Coast?

Document 17: John Boit Meets and Trades with Northwest Coast Indians, 1791

John Boit, A New Log of the Columbia, 1790-1792, edited by Edmund S. Meany (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1921), p. 6-10.

The Columbia, owned by Boston merchants and commanded by Captain Robert Gray, was one of the first American ships to visit the Northwest Coast. Its crew made several important discoveries, including finding and naming the Columbia River and Gray’s Harbor. (The U.S. government later used these discoveries to bolster its claims to the Pacific Northwest.) Nonetheless, the primary mission of the Columbia was not exploration but commerce: the ship was to purchase sea otter furs along the Northwest Coast, sell the furs in China, and then return to Boston—a voyage that would take it around the world. John Boit, a sixteen-year-old brother-in-law of one of the ship’s owners, served as fifth officer. Despite his young age, Boit proved to be a skilled officer, and he faithfully kept a journal of his experiences. Because Captain Gray’s official log was lost, Boit’s journal is the most complete surviving record of the voyage. In this selection, Boit describes the ship’s arrival on the Northwest Coast and its first encounters with Indians. Note how Boit tended to measure Indian peoples as potential trading partners and sexual partners.

Possible discussion questions: What types of things did Boit choose to record about his journey? How does his journal differ from other explorers’? What might account for these differences? Why was the Columbia visiting the Northwest Coast? How did its purpose differ from Spanish and British expeditions to the region? What did Boit think about the native peoples of the Northwest Coast? What was his attitude about members of the crew sleeping with Indian women?

Document 18: John Boit Describes European–Indian Violence, 1791-1792

John Boit, A New Log of the Columbia, 1790-1792, edited by Edmund S. Meany (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1921), p. 12-15, 25-26, 34-38.

Boit paid special attention to instances of conflict between Europeans and Indians, and his journal reminds us that cultural contact was not always peaceful. Tensions between visitors to and residents of the Northwest Coast often erupted into violence. These selections from Boit’s journal describe six separate violent encounters—four that he witnessed first-hand and two that he heard about from the crew of other merchant ships. Though these conflicts do not seem tremendously bloody by modern standards, dozens of people died in the episodes that Boit described. Violent clashes like these were fairly common along the Northwest Coast during the 1790s and early 1800s.

Possible discussion questions: Did Boit view the native peoples of the Northwest Coast as warlike savages? Who did Boit blame for the instances of violence that he describes? In the violent encounters described here, who had the upper hand—Indians or Europeans? Why? Is it fair to say that the Europeans’ technology guaranteed their safety and gave them an overwhelming military advantage? Why or why not? What military advantages did native peoples possess?

Document 19: Archibald Menzies Explores the Strait of Juan de Fuca, 1792

Archibald Menzies, Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver’s Voyage, April to October, 1792 (Victoria, B.C.: W. H. Cullin Printers, Archives of British Columbia Memoirs, vol. 5, 1923), p. 16-23.

Archibald Menzies, a scientist, traveled to the Northwest with Captain George Vancouver’s expedition of 1792. In this selection, Menzies describes the Strait of Juan de Fuca and the lands on the northern portion of the Olympic Peninsula. His descriptions of the region’s geography and its flora and fauna were especially detailed.

Possible discussion questions: What did Menzies’ think about the northern part of the Olympic Peninsula? What sorts of things did Menzies write about? How does Menzies’ journal differ from Boit’s (document 17) or Vancouver’s (document 22)? How might Menzies’ scientific training have shaped his interests, his thinking, and his journals?

Document 20: List of Ships off the Northwest Coast, 1792

Archibald Menzies, Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver’s Voyage, April to October, 1792 (Victoria, B.C.: W. H. Cullin Printers, Archives of British Columbia Memoirs, vol. 5, 1923), p. 124-25.

Menzies was surprised when ten different ships visited Nootka Sound during a two-week period in the summer of 1792. He compiled this list of vessels with the help of Captain Vancouver and Captain Bodega y Quadra.

Possible discussion questions: Does this list tell us anything about which nations had the upper hand in the struggle to control the Northwest Coast? Can you list some of the motives that might have drawn so many ships to this region during the 1790s?

Document 21: Catalog of Plants Collected by Menzies, 1792

Archibald Menzies, Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver’s Voyage, April to October, 1792 (Victoria, B.C.: W. H. Cullin Printers, Archives of British Columbia Memoirs, vol. 5, 1923), p. 132-35.

A large part of Menzies’ duties entailed recording new plant species. This document contains less than one-tenth of the list of plants that he compiled. During the eighteenth century scientific explorers like Menzies fanned out across the globe to collect and catalogue all types of flora and fauna. They found that the Pacific Northwest contained several species they had never seen before.

Document 22: George Vancouver Explores Puget Sound, 1792

The British government sent Captain George Vancouver to the Northwest Coast to chart the waterways there in an effort to find a "Northwest Passage" between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Vancouver discovered that the legendary Strait of Juan de Fuca did, in fact, exist. However, the strait did not lead all the way to the Atlantic Ocean, but only to the body of water that Vancouver named Puget’s Sound. The crew spent the spring of 1792 exploring and mapping the Strait of Juan de Fuca and Puget’s Sound. Many of the landmarks that Vancouver named are visible on present-day maps, so it is possible to retrace his steps using a modern map. To help with this task, here are some of the landmarks that Vancouver named:

page 234—Port Townshend
page 235—Marrow-Stone Point, Mount Rainier
page 236—Oak Cove
page 237—Foulweather Bluff
page 239—Hazel Point
page 243—Hood’s Canal

Though Vancouver’s findings seemed to disprove the existence of a Northwest Passage, his expedition was far from a failure. The expedition learned that Puget’s Sound was deep and fairly extensive, yet also calm and sheltered. These traits led Vancouver to conclude that Europeans could establish trading posts, and even agricultural settlements, along its shores. The Indians living along Puget’s Sound seemed generally friendly and willing to trade. In addition, Vancouver correctly surmised that a smallpox epidemic had greatly reduced the number of Native people living in the area.

A note on the seemingly strange orthography in this document: some 18th century publishers used two types of s in printing—a medial s, frequently used in the middle of words, and a round s, similar to the one that we use today. The medial s looks nearly identical to the letter f. Thus, the word poffeffed actually means possessed. Although students may find reading this style of printing difficult at first, they should get used to it fairly quickly.

Possible discussion questions: What sorts of things was Vancouver looking for when he was exploring? How does his journal differ from other those kept by other explorers, such as Meares (document 13). and Bodega y Quadra (document 16)? What did Vancouver think about the Puget Sound region and its inhabitants? Why did he think the area was so promising and important? Vancouver concluded that the arrival of Europeans along the Northwest Coast had impacted Native peoples living along Puget Sound even though these people had never before seen Europeans. On what evidence did he base this conclusion? Why did he deduce that the population of Puget Sound Indians had suffered a dramatic decline in the recent past?

Document 23: Map Displaying Vancouver’s Discoveries

"A Chart Shewing Part of the Coast of N.W. America . . . Prepared Under the Immediate Supervision of George Vancouver, Esq., by Lieut. Joseph Baker," from George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, and Round the World . . ., atlas volume (London: Printed for G. G. and J. Robinson et al., 1798), plate 14.

Bodega y Quadra’s and Vancouver’s expeditions substantially advanced Europeans’ knowledge about the Northwest. The crew of the two expeditions exchanged information and produced the first maps of the Northwest Coast that were mostly accurate. Bodega y Quadra’s party circumnavigated Vancouver Island, demonstrating that Nootka Sound did not lie on the mainland. Vancouver’s expedition learned that the Strait of Juan de Fuca led to the Puget Sound, not to some mythical Northwest Passage. Indeed, European governments grudgingly abandoned the search for the Northwest Passage after they heard Vancouver’s and Bodega y Quadra’s findings. Though Europeans now had accurate maps of the coast, they still knew virtually nothing about the interior of the Northwest.

Possible discussion questions: How does this map differ from the 1788 map (document 12)? How had Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra advanced Europeans’ geographic knowledge? Would you say that this map is mostly accurate or mostly misleading? What geographic features remained to be discovered? How much does this map tell us about parts of the Northwest that are not along the coast?

Document 24: Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra Try to Resolve the Nootka Controversy

George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, and Round the World . . ., vol. 1 (London: Printed for G. G. and J. Robinson et al., 1798), p. 384-407.

Both Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra were expected to be diplomats, as well as explorers. In 1790 England and Spain tried to end their dispute over the Northwest Coast by signing the Nootka Accord. In this accord, the Spanish promised to turn over all lands that John Meares had purchased from Maquinna. The two European governments then dispatched Bodega y Quadra and Vancouver to implement the agreement (and to explore the Northwest Coast, of course). Unfortunately, the Nootka Accord was a vague document, and Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra disagreed about what exactly it meant. But despite their differences of opinion, the two men established cordial relations with each other and with Maquinna. Though the captains were unable to resolve the Nootka Controversy, they helped to create a climate of trust between the English, Spanish, and Nuu-chah-nulth.

Possible discussion questions: What was Vancouver’s opinion of Bodega y Quadra and Maquinna? How did Bodega y Quadra proposed to resolve the Nootka Controversy? Why did Vancouver reject this offer? What did the two captains decide to do instead? Do you think they increased tensions in the region or reduced them? In your opinion, what were the most important consequences of the explorations and diplomacy of Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra?

Document 25: José Moziño Analyzes the Nootka Controversy, 1792

José Mariano Moziño, Noticias de Nutka: An Account of Nootka Sound in 1792, edited and translated by Iris H. Wilson Engstrand (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970), p. 81-84, 87-95.

Moziño was a scientist who accompanied Bodega y Quadra on his mission to the Northwest Coast. This document describes the course of events that led to the Nootka Controversy and tries to refute the claims made by John Meares (see document 13) and George Vancouver (see document 24). But even though Moziño believed that the Spanish had the legal right to keep their outpost at Nootka, he argued that they should abandon it for political and economic reasons. He described the diminished importance of Nootka as a port and contended that the Spanish should concentrate on fortifying and developing California. Spanish officials eventually came to accept this logic. In 1794 they accepted an agreement that made Nootka a "free port," open to all European nations. In 1819 the Spanish ceded all territorial claims north of the 42nd parallel (the present-day border between California and Oregon) in order to concentrate on defending California.

Possible discussion questions: What was Moziño’s opinion of John Meares? What evidence did he present to refute Meares’s claims that the English were the rightful owners of Nootka Sound? What did Moziño think of George Vancouver? According to Moziño, the Spanish had the legal right to occupy Nootka, so why did he argue that they should abandon their claims there? Why might Nootka Sound have become less important than it once was?

Document 26: Moziño Praises the Nuu-chah-nulth, 1792

José Mariano Moziño, Noticias de Nutka: An Account of Nootka Sound in 1792, edited and translated by Iris H. Wilson Engstrand (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970), p. 84-86.

Moziño believed that Europeans had mistreated the Nuu-chah-nulth who lived near Nootka Sound. He felt that the Nuu-chah-nulth were basically honest people whom the Spanish should have tried to convert to Christianity. However, Catholic and Protestant missionaries did not go to the Northwest and try to convert native peoples there until the 1830s and 1840s. The arrival of missionaries set off a new round of cultural conflict and adaptation in the region.

Possible discussion questions: What did Moziño think of the Nuu-chah-nulth? Did he think that Europeans had treated them fairly? Why or why not? Looking back at all the documents you have read so far, which group of Europeans—the English, the Spanish, or the Americans—had the best relations with the native peoples of the Northwest Coast? What evidence can you present to defend this claim?

Document 27: John Jewitt’s Journal of His Captivity at Nootka, 1804–1805

John Jewitt, A Journal, Kept at Nootka Sound by John Rodgers Jewitt, One of the Surviving Crew of the Ship Boston, of Boston, John Salter, Commander, Who Was Massacred on the 22d of March, 1803; Interspersed with Some Account of the Natives, Their Manners and Customs . . . (Boston: Printed for the author, 1807), p. 22-27, 44-48.

Although relations between Europeans and Indians along the Northwest Coast were generally peaceful, they were occasionally punctuated by violence. Chief Maquinna had accommodated and befriended European visitors to Nootka Sound for more than 25 years. However, the arrival of the merchant ship Boston in 1803 led to violence. The ship’s crew killed a handful of Indians, and its captain repeatedly insulted the chief. The next day, Maquinna and his followers boarded the Boston and killed its crew, sparing only two men. Maquinna saved John Jewitt because he was a gunsmith; the Nuu-chah-nulth needed someone to maintain and repair the weapons they had acquired from Europeans. Jewitt persuaded the chief to spare John Thompson, a sailmaker, by convincing him that Thompson was his father.

The capture of the Boston profoundly affected the fortunes of the people living near Nootka. Maquinna gave away most of the ship’s cargo in the largest potlatch in the history of the Northwest Coast, and his prestige among native peoples skyrocketed. However, when Europeans learned of the attack, they stayed away from Nootka Sound. When trading stopped, Maquinna’s popularity waned. It was three years before a European ship dared to return, leaving Jewitt and Thompson stranded during the interval. The pair lived as Maquinna’s servants, and the chief both protected them and exploited them. Once Maquinna allowed the men to leave, traders began returning to Nootka. Nonetheless, during their three-year absence from the area, European sailors had begun to use other harbors that were safer and had more sea otters. Nootka Sound was no longer the most important harbor on the Northwest Coast.

Possible discussion questions: How did Maquinna treat Jewitt and Thompson? Did he exploit them, protect them, or both? What does Jewitt’s journal tell us about politics, society, and daily life among the Nuu-chah-nulth? How might the capture of the Boston have changed life for the Indians living near Nootka Sound? What did Jewitt think about Maquinna and the Nuu-chah-nulth? Did his attitudes seem to change over the course of his captivity?

Document 28: Jewitt Recalls His Escape from Nootka

The Adventures of John Jewitt, Only Survivor of the Crew of the Ship Boston, During a Captivity of Three Years among the Indians of Nootka Sound in Vancouver Island (Boston: 1815; reprinted London: Clement Wilson, 1896), p. 223-39.

When he finally returned to the United States in 1807, Jewitt decided to make his livelihood by retelling the story of his captivity. He hired writer Richard Alsop to rework his journals into a book, which was published in 1815 as The Adventures of John Jewitt, Only Survivor of the Crew of the Ship Boston. . . . The book’s title, which conveniently ignores the fact that John Thompson also survived, demonstrates some of problems with treating this work as a reliable historical source. Jewitt spent most of the rest of his life peddling copies of the book door-to-door in New England.

Possible discussion questions: Have students reread Jewitt’s journal entry about his release from captivity (document 27). Is the story that Jewitt tells in this document just an embellished version of what he said in his journal, or is it an entirely different story? Which elements of the story have been embellished or changed? Why might Jewitt and his coauthor have changed parts of the story?